Ogaden Online

Below is a statement published by Resolve Ogaden Coalition:

Located in the eastern province of Ethiopia, the Ogaden region continues to be a hotbed for conflict between the Ethiopian government and liberation movements, most notably the Ogaden National Liberation Front. For decades the region has been systematically isolated and inaccessible to the international community, humanitarian organizations, international media, and inter-governmental organizations all remain expelled from the territory. Historically, the Ogadeni people have endured marginalization by successive Ethiopian regimes, and still maintain no socio-political or economic connection with the rest of the country.

It can be concluded that the conflict and suffering in the Ogaden is a direct result of the colonial scramble for Africa during the past hundred years and more. For the last half of the 19th century, Great Britain, France, Italy, and their local agent Ethiopia (than called Abyssinia), had on numerous occasions constructed boundary agreements partitioning Somali-inhabited regions of the Horn of Africa without the knowledge or consent of its people. During this period feuding European powers greatly increased the nation’s military capacity, partly because of European merchants who supplied Abyssinian forces with modern arms.

The British defeat of Italy in World War II paved the way for Ethiopian ambitions in the Ogaden.  Soon after the defeat, British forces illegally transferred Ogaden territory to Ethiopia, and did so without the knowledge or consent of the local population.  This transfer took place in three stages that occurred in 1948, 1954 and 1956.

Instead of democratically and humanely dealing with its Somali population, as the newly established government in Kenya had, the Ethiopian Empire took a more radical approach.  It embarked on a campaign of vengeance and suppression in the Ogaden. Since then, successive Ethiopian governments have used polices of terror, rape and brutalization, mass imprisonment, even the burning of entire villages to deal with its colonized Somali population.

In 2007 an ONLF attack on a Chinese-operated oil facility prompted the Ethiopian government to launch an intense counterinsurgency campaign against the ONLF and its civilian population. The Ethiopian government’s counterinsurgency campaign can only be described as extreme crimes against humanity. Satellite images by the American Association for the Advancement of Science confirm reports that the Ethiopian military burned entire villages in remote areas of the Ogaden.

Recently the Ethiopian government has preoccupied its self with constructing negotiations with what it says are “factions” of the ONLF.  It must be noted that such negotiations have yet to gain credibility among the Ogaden Diaspora. ONLF representatives have stated that these claims by the Ethiopian government are a last attempt to divert attention from the nation’s recent sham elections which have been tainted with accusations of fraud and manipulation. The ONLF has also released statements claiming that the organizational structure of the liberation front remains intact.

In a recent press conference Prime Minister Meles Zenawi claimed that there is one particular clan fighting against his government in the Ogaden region and that government forces would take all necessary measures to combat the rebels. With these latest statements it has become clear that the Ethiopian government has constructed a campaign to divide and rule the people of the Ogaden, in addition the government has begun sponsoring its own local militias to combat the ONLF. Such state sponsored militias are similar to the Janjaweed in Sudan who have been responsible for the displacement and violence of millions of Darfurians.

We urge the Ethiopian government to halt the sponsoring of local militias and to abandon its recent actions of classifying and naming particular clans as “rebels”. Furthermore we call upon the Ethiopian government to withhold from engaging in unproductive “negations,” and rather to strengthen its democratic institutions and practices for the advancement and benefit of its people.  It must be noted that the Ogaden National Liberation Front remains whiling to negotiate with the Ethiopian government, with the condition that such talks take place in a neutral third party nation, and with the full engagement and monitoring of the international community in order to ensure that a just and lasting solution is achieved.

To the international community!

We recognize that the Ogaden conflict cannot be resolved without the participation and mediation from the international community.  Thus we of Resolve Ogaden Coalition urge foreign and regional governments with influence including the United States, United Kingdom, and China to publicly call upon the Ethiopian government to halt all hostilities against civilians.

In addition, we urge the above stated nations to openly call upon the Ethiopian government to permit full and undistributed access to all areas of the Ogaden for access and use of humanitarian organizations, human rights agencies, media, as well as regional and international government officials. Furthermore, we urge the United Nations to spearhead an independent and transparent investigation into gross human rights abuses. We also urge the United Nations to openly address the longstanding issue of Ogaden self-determination. Furthermore, we strongly encourage donor states and the international community to privately and publicly call upon the Ethiopian government to engage in direct talks with the Ogaden National Liberation Front, and to make military assistance to Ethiopia dependent on the government’s participation in such talks.

Furthermore, recognizing that the Ogaden conflict is fueled by historical and current political injustice, we have come to the conclusion that no amount of humanitarian aid will resolve the Ogaden conflict and that a political resolution is needed to ensure lasting peace and justice throughout the region.

Resolve Ogaden Coalition is a national non-profit organization dedicated to ending the conflict in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia by any means possible. Resolve Ogaden Coalition advocates for the Ogadeni people’s fundamental and universal right to self-determination, democratic rule of law, and regional development and stability.  Resolve Ogaden Coalition is determined to pressuring the international community in recognizing the suffering inflicted upon the people of Ogaden. In addition, Resolve Ogaden Coalition desires to engage the Ethiopian government to implement policies that will open the door to a legal referendum to self-determination for the inhabitants of the Ogaden.

http://www.unpo.org/article/11595

September 2nd, 2010 | Category: Uncategorized | Leave a comment

United State Senators Feingold and Leahy have introduced a new legislation titled, Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Ethiopia Act of 2010. Read text of the bill below or click here:

To reaffirm United States objectives in Ethiopia and encourage critical democratic and humanitarian principles and practices, and for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be cited as the ‘Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Ethiopia Act of 2010′.

SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

Congress makes the following findings:

(1) Despite progress and an estimated annual growth rate of nearly 10 percent, Ethiopia remains one of the poorest and most hunger-prone countries in the world, with more than half of the population of 78,000,000 living on less than $1 per day.

(2) Since the collapse of the Derg and overthrow of the Mengistu regime in 1991, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front-led government has overseen the introduction of a multiparty system and the adoption of a new constitution that guarantees economic, social, and cultural rights and states that `human and democratic rights of peoples and citizens shall be protected.’

(3) Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a bloody border war between 1998 and 2000, and, despite the Algiers Accord ending the conflict and the agreement to abide by the final and binding Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission (EEBC) arbitration, the Government of Ethiopia has refused to comply with the final physical demarcation of the border and the Government of Eritrea has expelled the United Nations peacekeeping force, causing regional instability and keeping alive the possibility of a renewed border war.

(4) According to the March 2010 report by the United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia, `Since the cessation of hostilities between the [Ethiopia and Eritrea] in 2000, Asmara has sought to counter Ethiopian influence in the region and supported armed groups within Ethiopia who oppose the current government. Since 2006, and possibly earlier, Eritrea has supported opposition to the Transitional Federal Government, which it perceives as a proxy for the Government of Ethiopia.’

(5) Sporadic fighting has continued between Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) and armed opposition Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in the Somali Region of Ethiopia. Stringent restrictions continue to be placed on media and aid workers, making it difficult for independent observers and aid workers to monitor or respond to the humanitarian and human rights situation, including the behavior of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, allied militia forces, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front.

(6) Credible sources indicate there are ongoing and serious human rights abuses against civilians in the Somali Region, including arbitrary arrests and detentions by military, police and paramilitary forces; allegations of torture in military and police custody, including sexual violence against women and girls; and diversion of food aid intended for civilian communities.

(7) In the run up to the 2010 elections, the Ethiopian Parliament passed a number of new laws, including the Charities and Societies Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, which severely restrict freedom of expression, freedom of association, peaceful assembly, and the right to a fair trial, while broadening the definition of terrorism.

(8) The Department of State’s 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices states that `although the constitution and law prohibit the use of torture and mistreatment . . . [o]pposition political party leaders reported frequent and systematic abuse and intimidation of their supporters by police and regional militias’ and that `opposition UDJ party president Birtukan Mideksa, whose pardon was revoked and life sentence reinstate in December 2008, remain in prison throughout the year. She was held in solitary confinement . . . despite a court ruling that indicate it was a violation of her constitutional rights’.

(9) In its 2010 Freedom in the World report, Freedom House noted that, in the run up to elections, Ethiopia saw a `narrowing of political activity . . .’ and that `the government cracked down on operations of nongovernmental organizations and . . . a series of arrests of opposition figures’.

(10) The European Union Election Observer Mission noted in its preliminary statement on the May 23, 2010 elections, `The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia administered the electoral process in an efficient and competent manner, but failed to dispel opposition parties’ lack of trust in its independence. While several positive improvements have been introduced, the electoral process fell short of certain international commitments, notably regarding the transparency of the process and the lack of a level playing field for all contesting parties.’

(11) In testimony before the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson stated that `[w]hile the [Ethiopian] elections were calm and peaceful and largely without any kind of violence we note with some degree of remorse that the elections there were not up to international standards,’ and that `[i]t is important that Ethiopia move forward in strengthening its democratic institutions and when elections are held that it level the playing field to give everyone a free opportunity to participate without fear or favor’.

(12) On May 25th, 2010, the National Security Council’s spokesman Mike Hammer, released a statement which noted with concern that `The limitation of independent observation and the harassment of independent media representatives [in Ethiopia] are deeply troubling . . . [and that an] environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place even before Election Day.’ The statement also noted that `[i]n recent years, the Ethiopian government has taken steps to restrict political space for the opposition through intimidation and harassment, tighten its control over civil society, and curtail the activities of independent media. We are concerned that these actions have restricted freedom of expression and association and are inconsistent with the Ethiopian government’s human rights obligations.’

SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY.

It is the policy of the United States–

(1) to support and encourage efforts by the people and Government of Ethiopia–

(A) to achieve a participatory multiparty democracy, an active and unhindered civil society, rule of law and accountability, judicial capacity and independence, freedom of the press, respect for human rights, and economic development; and

(B) to develop a comprehensive strategy to combat extremism and terrorism in a manner consistent with international law;

(2) to promote peace and stability, equal access to humanitarian assistance regardless of gender, ethnicity, religion, or political views, and good governance, transparency, and accountability;

(3) to seek the unconditional release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia, and the repeal of laws that enable politically motivated arrests without due process;

(4) to prohibit funding to any unit of the Ethiopian security forces if the Secretary of State has credible information that such unit has committed a gross violation of human rights, unless the Secretary certifies to the appropriate congressional committees that the Government of Ethiopia is taking effective measures to bring the responsible members of the security forces unit to justice; and

(5) to seek a resolution of the ongoing dispute between the Government of Ethiopia and the Government of Eritrea consistent with the Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission arbitration decisions on border demarcation, to press the Government of Eritrea to cease all support for armed opposition groups in Ethiopia and the region, and to urge both Governments to contribute constructively to stability throughout the Horn of Africa, especially in Somalia.

SEC. 4. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

It is the sense of Congress that the United States Government should–

(1) build on successful diplomatic efforts that contributed to the October 2007 release of political prisoners in Addis Ababa, and press the Ethiopian government to release Birtukan Mideksa, as well as other political prisoners;

(2) urge the Government of Ethiopia to repeal or at a minimum amend the Civil Society Proclamation, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, and the Mass Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation in order to genuinely protect the constitutional rights and freedoms of all Ethiopian citizens;

(3) press the Government of Ethiopia to allow human rights and humanitarian groups, as well as the media, to have unfettered access to areas of concern throughout the country;

(4) encourage and assist the United Nations and other independent organizations and the media to investigate credible reports of gross violations of human rights or international humanitarian law in the Somali region of Ethiopia, to publish any information of serious abuse, and send consistent messages to the Government of Ethiopia that the continuation of such violations or impunity in this region, or Ethiopia more generally, has consequences for relations between the United States and Ethiopia; and

(5) encourage the Governments of both Ethiopia and Eritrea to immediately take steps to lessen tensions, physically demarcate the border in accord with the Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission decision, and promote normalization of relations between the two countries.

SEC. 5. RESTRICTIONS ON ASSISTANCE.

(a) Conditions-

(1) PROHIBITION OF FUNDS- Notwithstanding any other provision of law, assistance may not be provided to the Government of Ethiopia unless the Secretary of State certifies annually that the Government of Ethiopia has taken demonstrable steps–

(A) to ensure the autonomy and fundamental freedoms of civil society organizations to pursue work on civic education, democratization, good governance, accountability, human rights, and conflict resolution, without excessive government intervention or intimidation;

(B) to respect the rights of and permit non-violent political parties to operate free from intimidation and harassment, including releasing opposition political leaders currently imprisoned;

(C) to strengthen the independence of its judiciary, including developing the capacity of the judiciary at the national, regional, and local levels;

(D) to allow Voice of America and other independent media to operate and broadcast without interference in Ethiopia;

(E) to promote respect for human rights and accountability within its security forces, including undertaking credible investigations into any allegations of abuse and ensuring appropriate punishment; and

(F) to ensure that humanitarian and development entities, including those of the United Nations, have unfettered access to all regions of the country without prejudice to the political views of recipients.

(2) WAIVER- The prohibition included in paragraph (1) shall not apply if the Secretary of State certifies in writing to Congress that waiving such a prohibition is in the national security interest of the United States.

(b) Exceptions- The prohibitions in paragraph (1) shall not apply to–

(1) health and HIV/AIDS assistance;

(2) humanitarian assistance; or

(3) emergency food aid.

(c) Report- Not later than 120 days after exercising a waiver pursuant to subsection (a)(2), and every 90 days thereafter, the Secretary of State shall submit a report to the appropriate congressional committees assessing progress made by the Government of Ethiopia in the areas set forth in subparagraphs (A) through (F) of subsection (a)(2).

SEC. 6. DEFINITIONS.

In this Act the term `appropriate congressional committees’ means–

(1) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate; and

(2) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives.

August 30th, 2010 | Category: Uncategorized | Leave a comment

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

August 24,2010 (ADDIS ABABA) — The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a separatist rebel group who fights for the eastern region’s right to self-determination has denied a recent statement from the Ethiopian government alleging that a peace accord with ONLF guerillas would be signed in October.

The Ethiopian government on Friday said that negotiations are underway to reach an agreement with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF).

Speaking to the pro-government news agency, Walta Information Center, a National Security advisor to the Prime Minister, Abay Tsehaye then said that more than 20 senior members of the ONLF, who splinted from the front, have expressed their readiness to operate peacefully in accordance with country’s constitution and an agreement is likely to be signed in October at the latest.

However, spokesperson of the rebel group Hussein Nor from Doha told allvoices.com that that the report from Ethiopia was baseless propaganda.

“We remember there was a man called Salahudin that once talked with Ethiopia in 2006. He took money from ONLF. But there is no any agreement between Ethiopia and ONLF,” said Hussein.

He added that there had not been any talks with Addis Ababa and no senior members of the ONLF had contacted the Ethiopian government.

Hussein vowed that his group would continue the armed struggle for the independence of the Somali Ogaden region stressing that there won’t be any peace agreement in future with Ethiopian government.

The rebel official further said that they had redoubled their clashes against the government army during the Ramadan month claiming they had seized 10 military camps of the Ethiopian troops including Alen camp, between Shilabo and Balanbal district of Galgudud region in central Somalia recently.

Last week, Ogaden rebels alleged killing more than 40 Ethiopian troops. However Ethiopian government has repeatedly rejected the claims of the group and says the rebels are defeated and no more a threat to peace and to the oil exploration efforts in the oil promising region.

Established in 1984 and now designated as terrorist group by the Ethiopian government, the ONLF has claimed responsibility for several attacks including an attack on a Chinese run oil field, which killed 9 Chinese and 65 Ethiopians in 2007.

Ethiopia says the Ogaden National Liberation Front is backed by the Eritrean government, an allegation Asmara denies.

Ahmed

August 25th, 2010 | Category: Uncategorized | Leave a comment

The most powerful faction of Somalia’s Hizbul Islam insurgents has officially cut ties with the group. The split occurred following allegations the Ras Kamboni faction recently signed a secret deal with the Somali government and neighboring Kenya.

A spokesman for the Ras Kamboni faction, Abdiaziz Hassan Abdi, says senior faction members decided to formally withdraw from Hizbul Islam.

Abdi says Ras Kamboni will be led by Ahmed Madobe, who replaced hardline Islamist Hassan Turki last year as the group’s military commander.

Tension between Ahmed Madobe and Hizbul Islam leader, Hassan Dahir Aweys, skyrocketed several weeks ago, when Aweys alleged Madobe had entered into an agreement with Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government and Kenya.

The Hizbul Islam leader said by signing the deal Madobe had agreed to fight against Hizbul Islam and al-Qaida-linked al-Shabab militants in Somalia’s southern Jubba and Gedo regions. Madobe has denied the charge.

Ras Kamboni was the largest and the most well-armed of the four Islamist factions that formed the Hizbul Islam coalition in early 2009. Hizbul Islam subsequently forged an alliance with al-Qaida-linked al-Shabab militants to oppose the U.N.-backed Transitional Federal Government. Last May, the two insurgent groups launched an offensive in the Somali capital that almost toppled the weak government.

But the Hizbul Islam, al-Shabab alliance began to unravel in October, after the two groups clashed over control of the southern port city of Kismayo. Hizbul Islam forces in Kismayo, led by Ahmed Madobe, were forced to leave.

Since then, Madobe’s determination to challenge al-Shabab for regional dominance has only intensified.

After Ras Kamboni’s conservative Islamist leader Hassan Turki defected to al-Shabab in February, Madobe declared that the extremist group was Somalia’s greatest enemy.

That statement that put Hizbul-Islam leader Hassan Dahir Aweys in the awkward position of having to support Madobe as a Hizbul-Islam leader and, at the same time, preaching the importance of unifying the Islamist opposition.

Observers in Somalia say the fracturing of Hizbul Islam was inevitable because Hizbul Islam is at its core nationalist and largely based on clan membership.

Members of the Ras Kamboni group, for example, belong to the Ogaden sub-clan of the Darod, whose territorial claims extend from the Jubba and Gedo regions of southern Somalia into Ethiopia’s Ogaden region.

When al-Shabab, a transnational extremist group, began threatening the traditional power base of the Ogaden, observers say Ras Kamboni had little choice but to put clan affiliation ahead of Islamist unity.
Source:VOA
Ahmed (Gor-gor)

May 13th, 2010 | Category: Uncategorized | Leave a comment